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the Medinans (al-Nas, Ifirb, vol. 2, p. 456). Al-Shawkn1 says that the Syrian and ijz1
variant is the dual form minhum and that the feminine form minh is Iraqi (al-
116 Journal of Qur anic Studies
Shawkn1, Fat al-qar1b, vol. 3, p. 291). However he lists no references and this appears to be
incorrect.
31 fiUmar and Makram, Mufijam, vol. 4, p. 95. Al-Nas records that, in addition to Ibn
Kath1r, the Meccan Mujhid also read the word without assimilating the nn (al-Nas,
Ifirb, vol. 2, p. 473). See also Ibn Khlawayhi, ujja, p. 137 (noting the permissibility of
both readings, without attributions).
32 fiUmar and Makram, Mufijam, vol. 4, p. 133.
33 Dutton, Notes , p. 45, n. 20, referencing the illustration in William Wright (ed.),
Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions: Oriental Series (London: The Paleographical
Society, 1875 83), plate LIX; and Nabia Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic Manuscript
and its Kur nic Development (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1939), plate 6, no. 1. See
also Ibn Khlawayhi, al-ujja f1 l-qir"t al-sabfi, ed. Amad Far1d al-Maz1d1, Introduction
by Dr Fat1 ijz1 (Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-fiIlmiyya, 1999), p. 167 (noting the permissibility
of both readings, the ww being according to what was established in the Sawad (the
outskirts of Baghdad) (fial asb m thabata f1 l-Sawd) ).
34 Dutton, Notes , p. 45, n. 22, referencing Charles Rieu, Supplement to the Catalogue of the
Arabic Manuscripts in the British Museum (London: The British Museum, 1894), p. x. See
also Ibn Khlawayhi, ujja, p. 210 (noting the permissibility of both readings, without
attributions).
35 See fiUmar and Makram, Mufijam, vol. 3, p. 62. Yay ibn al-rith studied under Ibn
fi%mir and became the primary reader of Damascus after him. See al-Dhahab1, Mafirifat al-
qurr" al-kibr, ed. Bashshr fiAwwd Mafirf et al. (2 vols, Beirut: Mu"assasat al-Risla,
1984), vol. 1, p. 40.
36 See fiUmar and Makram, Mufijam, vol. 2, p. 462. Ab l-Dard" is said to have begun
reading the Qur an during the lifetime of Muammad in his native Medina, then assumed a
judgeship in Damascus, where he taught Qur anic reading at the Damascus Mosque. Ibn
fi%mir is said to have succeeded him as the head teacher and reader there. See al-Dhahab1,
Mafirifat al-qurr", vol. 1, p. 40.
37 Note that Dutton mentions an additional major variant: on the rendering of the name
Ibrh1m, which Ibn fi%mir pronounces as Ibrhm. According to Dutton, the Syrian codex
adopts the latter spelling 33 times out of a total of 69 occurrences in the Qur an, and our
manuscript contains six Syrian spellings and fourteen ordinary spellings (Dutton, Notes ,
p. 45). I do not count these spelling differences here, because I restrict major orthographical
variants to consonantal differences that do not involve weak letters such as the alif or y" in
Ibrh1m.
38 Using Ibn fi%mir as shorthand for the Syrian reading (Dutton, Notes , pp. 44 5), Dutton
also notes that for these same shared traits, the Qur an manuscript Paris MS 328a is also to be
considered the reading of Ibn fi%mir. Cf. Yasin Dutton, An Early Muaf According to the
Reading of Ibn fi%mir , Journal of Qur anic Studies 3:1 (2001), pp. 71 89, esp. 72 4.
39 Chronologically, the last of the canonical seven, ten and fourteen readers were al-Kis"1 (d.
189/805), Khalaf (d. 229/843) and Yaya al-Yaz1d1 (d. 202/817 18), respectively.
40 There is nothing to suggest that Ab aywa s chain of transmission relates back to Ab l-
Dard" directly. Rather, the abaqt works trace Ab aywa s chain ultimately back to
Mufidh ibn Jabal (d. 18/639), who died soon after Ab l-Dard". fiA wn points to substantial
contacts between the inhabitants of Damascus and im during the early period, particularly
amongst Qur an readers, who he says had something of a rivalry between cities (see fiA wn,
al-Qir"t, pp. 13 15, p. 92). As he notes, im had been an important frontier town during
the period of conquests, Damascus became the seat of power once the Umayyads gained
power in 40/660, and the power seat shifted again when the fiAbbsids assumed power in
Non-Canonical Readings of the Qur an 117
132/750. It is reasonable to assume that inhabitants of each city perhaps had different
concerns, orientations and resources with each shift. There is no telling for sure whether or
how political affairs, together with regional population growth and migrations east, may have
lessened the fluidity between Syrian towns. But a im1 reading that substantially relates to
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